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UPV Theses and Dissertations

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Keyword: search.filters.keyword.PoliticsSDG: search.filters.sdg.SDG 11 - Sustainable cities and communities

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    A survey study on the motivations, gender roles and gender perspectives of elected women officials in Iloilo Province from 1988-1992
    Belloga, NC C. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 1995-12-12)
    One hundred elected Iloggas from 28 municipalities of Iloilo Province were interviewed to define their demographic profile, motivations in joining the electoral politics, gender roles, and perspectives based on selected sociopolitical gender issues. This study revealed that most of the respondents are married, aged 40 to 74, have an average of 4- 5 children. Majority of them acquired secondary education, and only 28% are degree holders with female gender courses such as BS Nursing, BS Education, and BS Commerce. Most of these women entered politics in 1988, and most of them came from political clans in their municipalities. All of them joined civic or religious organizations in their municipality. Majority of the respondents supported or initiated government projects during their term of office in the areas of beautification, sanitation, health, and environment arid mostly are geared towards the upliftment of the standard of living in their areas. This study established that most of the respondents performed traditionally female gender roles such as housekeepers, wives and mothers. They also assumed male gender roles such as elected public servant and farmer. Only a few performed non-gender roles such as being a student and engaged in business. Majority of them assumed a triple role? by simultaneously fulfilling their domestic reproduction, production and community management obligations. Majority of these women officials were initially motivated to join politics by their desire to serve the people. Most of them are hesitant to join because they lack political knowledge and public service experience. However, despite of their hesitations, these women decided to run for public office because of the assured support given by their family and friends. Majority of these women did not perceive that their being women marginalizes them in politics. Instead, they view such factor victory which proved that constituents preferred them over leading to their male candidates. Most of these women did not perceive that politics is a man's world with reference to the success of Cory Aquino and Miriam Santiago as female politicians. Majority of then? qualified their opinion on woman's exclusive dominion of home, arguing that women cam only go beyond their household duties if they know they are capable to perform public functions. They define their gender role in Philippine society as helpers, assistants and character molders of the youth. Majority of these women also qualified their opinion on the equality of men and women, asserting that in terms of physical capabilities men are more superior and in areas such as home management arid child tearing. Majority of these women did not perceive that Filipino society is a male-biased society. They view women as capable of occupying national political positions ar?d bias numeric advantage over men. However, majority agreed that Filipino women occupy subordinate roles to men in society because women are weak, less aggressive, receive insufficient support, and have scarce opportunities. Most of the respondents find politics difficult, especially in settling disputes. They contend that once they gained the? respect, of their constituents, they feel competent to tackle the tasks. It is evident that women politicians still adhere to the patriarchal belief and have unresolved gender definition, which are contributory factors to the discrimination of women in politics.
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    An analysis of fiscal decentralization: The case of Cadiz City, Negros Occidental
    Baynosa, Rogelita P.; Toque, Narciso R. (Division ofSocial Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2002-03)
    Decentralization has been an issue in the late twentieth century. Developing countries have shifted toward more decentralized forms of government that promises to change their political life in profound ways. The Philippines has decentralized its government through the enactment of the Local Government Code of 1991. This has brought changes to the Philippine governance. The code legislated the creation of local government units such as regions, provinces, cities, and municipalities with which the central government devolved its major power and authority. In this study, an attempt is made to discuss the issues and problems of fiscal decentralization in developing countries, specifically the Philippine experience. A review of the Cadiz City experience substantiates the discussion on decentralization. Taking the case of Cadiz City as a microcosm of the Philippine experience with decentralization as a whole and that of the developing world’s in much broader scale, this study presents an analysis of the realities of fiscal decentralization, which is the core of the devolution program in the Philippines. The data gathered show that although Cadiz City government had been granted the autonomy to manage its own affairs, it remains dependent on grants and allotments from the central government instead of maximizing the fiscal powers being devolved to it, specifically, its revenue-raising power. Moreover, the data on the local government’s allocation of its financial resources during the years 1997-2000 show that it has been efficient in terms of providing basic public goods and services to its constituents but not in terms of empowering the community people to participate in advocacy, decision-making, and other activities of local governance. The data also show that politics played a great role in the implementation of various development programs, projects, and activities.
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    The wealthy and the well-born: How political elites affect faction formation
    Bedia, Laurice Amy C. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2010-04)
    This paper is a study on the roles of two types of political elites, the landed elites and the business elites, on the different stages of faction formation. Factions are formed because of the desire of politicians to win in elections. The stages of faction formation are the recruitment of members and the selection of candidates for elections, definition of faction activities, decision-making on local policies and ordinances and the management of resource flow for the survival of the faction. The ways the two types of elites affect faction formation differ since the resources available to them also vary. Through interviews with sixteen political elites, eight of which were landed elites and eight were business elites, the study was able to determine the ways in which political elites affect faction formation. Landed elites affect faction formation by influencing the recruitment of members and decision-making of local ordinances through their financial contributions, experience, and political support from relatives in politics and business partners. Business elites on the other hand affect faction formation through providing significant financial contributions for faction activities and recruitment of members. The diversity of the resources of landed elites enables them to have greater effect over faction formation.
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    To run or not to run: Intentions of politicians to participate in politics
    Bautista, Michelle M.; Del Rosario, Teri S. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2016-05)
    The overall purpose of the study was to investigate the intentions of Filipino politicians to participate in politics, guided by Leek Ajzen's Theory of Planned Behavior. The study employed qualitative methodology involving a total of 10 interviews with political candidates from the province of Aklan. Participants were recruited using criterion sampling. Results showed that attitude towards political participation, perceived pressure from the public, political parties, and family members, belief in one’s capacity to pursue political activities, and past experience largely influence the intentions of politicians to engage in politics; and their intentions, in turn, were translated into actual political participation. Past experience and belief in one’s capacity to pursue political activities were found to directly influence political engagement, and all identified factors were also found to be associated with one another. The relationships of all the constructs were consistent with our modified model of the Theory of Planned Behavior. Overall, the study offered support to the use of qualitative methodology in utilizing the Theory of Planned Behavior as a theoretical framework. The study also provided evidence that past experience could be included in the model of the Theory of Planned Behavior.
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    Batog kag Aya-ay: The politics of ecological consciousness of the presidents of Barangay Pantalan President Roxas, Capiz
    Bañez, Ma. Arve (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 1992-03-01)
    This study examines the folk consciousness on the environment of the residents of Barangay Pantalan, President Roxas, Capiz. A combination of the etic and emic approaches in social sciences was used to make sense out of the informations gathered from the field. This study also identifies Man as Master of Nature, Man and Nature in Antagonism, Man in Harmony with Nature, and Nature as Sacred as the different relationships between human being and Nature. These different relationships between human being and Nature are contained- in the two broad opposing rationalities, namely, Speciesism and Environmentalism. An ethnocartography of Barangay Pantalan is constituted in this study using the folk sense of direction and orientation. In addition, the study examines the folk beliefs and practices built around man-made structure, sea, and the flora and the fauna. This study concludes with a discussion of the politics of environmentalism. Human being does not dominate Nature nor Nature dominates human being in this politics of environmentalism. The same politics embodies ethical dimensions which check the drift toward the destruction of the environment.