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UPV Theses and Dissertations

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Degree: search.filters.degree.Bachelor of Arts in Political ScienceSDG: search.filters.sdg.SDG 10 - Reduced inequalities

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    Electoral campaign of mayoral candidates of Leon, Iloilo in the 1992 election
    Cababasay, Ivy C. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2001-10)
    This is a descriptive study of the electoral campaign of the six mayoral candidates of Leon, Iloilo in the 1992 election. The 1992 Leon mayoral candidates were Romulo Cabana, Neri Cabsaba. Alejandro Caelian. Jaime Calosing. Rodolfo Camarista and Ismael Candolada. This study aims to present a profile of the 1992 Leon mayoral candidates: to determine the campaign resources; to analyze the campaign organization and the campaign strategies of the mayoral candidates during the electoral campaign: to analyze the voters' choice and perceptions of the 1992 Leon mayoral electoral campaign; and, to analyze the electoral campaign of the mayoral candidates in the 1992 election in Leon. To satisfy these objectives, the researcher interviewed the mayoral candidates, some of their family members, their campaign staff and/or their representatives. A questionnaire was also formulated and was administered to the respondents. The findings of the study reveal that almost all of the mayoral candidates came from prominent families. Most of them came from the upper-middle class families except for Cabana and Cabsaba who considered their family as belonging to the lower class. Except for Romulo Cabana, all mayoral candidates in the 1992 election in Leon were college graduates. Except for Calosing and Camarista all four mayoral candidates had ran for an elective office prior to the 1992 election. The campaign resources, particularly the material resources of a candidate were the determining factor in the success of his electoral campaign. It was also found out that most of the mayoral candidates have no formal structural organization in their electoral campaign except for Cabana and Calosing. Campaign strategies common among the mayoral candidates were holding of caucus in the barangays, distribution of leaflets, stickers, sample ballots and posting of streamers and other campaign materials. Character assasination and mudslinging were also present in the campaign. Voters were more interested in the personal issues raised against the mayoral candidates than their proposed programs of government or public concerns. They (voters) voted for the mayoral candidate based on the latter's personality or personal attributes. Personalities are more remembered than social and political issues. Although there was vote-buying in the 1992 election, the mayoral candidates and the voters themselves considered it peaceful and orderly due to the absence of violence.
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    The politics of indigeneity: The responses of Brgy. Latazon, Laua-an and Brgy. Igsoro, Bugasong in Antique following their response to indigenous identification
    Bobillo, Ariane Joy S.; Labitan, Jo Ann S. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2011-03)
    Brgy. Latazon, Laua-an and Brgy. Igsoro, Bugasong in Antique were found to be indigenous communities in 2008 through a Field-based Investigation conducted by the Philippine National Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP). These findings were prompted by a proposed Hydro-power project in both localities that cannot be pursued unless the Commission certifies that the areas involved do not come within ancestral domain. As a response to external identification, changes occurred in community dynamics when Brgy. Latazon accepted the indigenous identity, while Brgy. Igsoro resisted. This study explores the differential responses of the two barangays and the changes that followed. Through structured key-informant interviews, findings revealed that the community’s acceptance or resistance to indigenous identification was due to external ascription and their knowledge of the benefits or disadvantages of the power plant project.
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    Factors affecting the political mobilization of the Lambunao Sulod-Bukidnons in relation to their ancestral land claim
    Betita, Ma. Antonette Rose S.; Gaudiel, Kristine T. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2007-03)
    The respondents of the study are the Sulod-Bukidnons (Bukidnons) of Jayobo, Lambunao, Iloilo. Their land had been included under the reservation area of the West Visayas State University - College of Agriculture and Forestry (WVSU-CAF) by virtue of Presidential Proclamation No. 429. Thus, their aim is to regain the land that belonged to them. The study sought to determine the following objectives: (1) the basis of land claims by the Bukidnons, (2) the forms of political mobilization conducted over their land claims (3) the factors that affect it, and (4) the role of the outside sectors in asserting their land claims. The study was descriptive and exploratory in nature which employed structured interview to gather data from 91 Bukidnon respondents aged 18 years old and above. Key Informant Interviews with the President and Vice-President of Bukidnon United Tribe Association (BUTA) and direct observation were also used. Chi-square (with 0.05 level of significance) was used as a statistical tool to determine the relationship of the variables. The results of the study showed that ancestral domain/inheritance was the basis of the Bukidnons in claiming their lands. The Bukidnons have utilized three forms of conventional and non-violent political mobilization: negotiations, petitions and assemblies. Age is one factor that affected Bukidnons to participate in negotiations. The study showed that Bukidnons above 60 did not participate in the negotiation. Higher educational attainment is also a factor that engaged them in negotiation. The lack of awareness of the size of the land involved in the conflict made the Bukidnons not participative. Also, the minimal importance given by the Bukidnons to their land in terms of housing and self-determination made them not participate in the negotiation. In the filing of petitions as another form of mobilization, only the awareness on the negotiation of Certificate of Ancestral Domain Title (CADT) was seen as a factor for the Bukidnons to engage in such mobilization. The reason for this was that they saw the fling of petitions as a way to hasten up the granting of Ancestral Domain Title (ADT). Assembly was another mobilization where most members had participated. Membership in BUTA was seen as a factor in joining the assembly. Attendance in assemblies showed sense of membership and support to the cause of their association. The presence of help from outside sectors and the help from both members and leaders of BUTA likewise encouraged Bukidnons to be participative in assemblies. PANLIPI Legal Assistance Center, National Commission on Indigenous Peoples and Philippine Association for Intercultural Development played a major role in helping the cause of the Bukidnons. They had provided legal and technical assistance to the IPs. Lastly, the awareness on the petition filed and their assertion over their land claims made the Bukidnons to mobilize. The findings showed that the Bukidnons have long been working for the granting of their ancestral domain title. They perceived that once their ADT has been granted to them, the issue with WVSU will also be resolved. They do not oppose the presence of the university in the barangay; most of them simply ask to redefine the land and regain the area that belonged to them. At the end of the study, the researchers recommend further academic studies on the political mobilization of the Bukidnons. A policy recommendation is advised that BUTA members should take active role on the issue. Information dissemination and inculcation of IPs’ rights can be decisive factors to increase participation in mobilization. NCIP should give uttermost importance to the granting of the land of IPs and be more responsive to the needs and grievances of the IPs.
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    The political elites of Tubungan, Iloilo: Their characteristics and contributions to the municipality, 1992-2001
    Beriones, Beben C.; Garbe, Adeste B. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2001-03)
    This is a descriptive study on the characteristics and contributions of the political elites of Tubungan, Iloilo to their Municipality from 1992 to 2001. It is focused on the mayors, the vice-mayors and the members of the Sangguniang Bayan. The researchers presented the characteristics and the contributions they have made for the development of their municipality. The political elites’ contributions were measured in terms of the programs, the projects and the ordinances they have made. There are three factors that helped the researchers in the discussion of the topic: (1) The political careers of the political elites, (2) the characteristics of the political elites, and (3) their contributions to the municipality of Tubungan, Iloilo. In as much as ideal and necessary, the researchers tried to gather all documents about the topic, and tried to interview all the political elites; however, it was not possible due to some constraints like some documents were already lost, and two of the political elites are already living outside the province. The findings of the study is that the political elites of Tubungan share some common characteristics such as: (1) all have landholdings, (2) all are active members of organizations in their municipality, (3) all are earning more than Pl00, 000 a year, (4) all are Roman Catholics, & (5) all are contributing to their municipality’s development. The mayors’ contributions are viewed in terms of projects and programs such as infrastructures, delivery of social services and improved agricultural productions. For the vice-mayors and the Sangguniang Bayan members, their contributions are measured in terms of the number of ordinances that they have legislated aimed at improving the lives of the people of Tubungan. Finally, the people of Tubungan viewed their contributions to be beneficial.
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    Factors affecting the people's advocacy in Barangay San Pedro, San Jose, Antique
    Berbolla, Nelry Joy P.; Juada, Kristine Anne P. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2004-03)
    This study sought to determine the factors that lead people to advocate or not on the issue. It wanted to find out if there was a relationship between (a) educational attainment, (b) annual family income, (c) personal awareness on the issue, and (d) perceived health and environmental advantages or disadvantages, and people’s advocacy. The study was conducted in Barangay San Pedro, San Jose, Antique with 320 respondents. Self-administered questionnaires which included a translation in Hiligaynon were given to these respondents. The questionnaire has two parts, (a) the respondents’ educational attainment and annual family income; (b) the Likert-type scale composed of a number of statements designed to determine the relationship of advocacy to personal awareness on the issue, and perceived health and environmental advantages or disadvantages of the issue or project. Hence, the response options of the respondents for this scale were strongly disagree, disagree, neutral, agree and strongly agree. Using the Pearson Product-Moment Correlation Coefficient, the study yielded the following results: a negligible relationship between advocacy and educational attainment, a negligible relationship between advocacy and annual family income, a weak relationship between advocacy and personal awareness on the issue, and a negligible relationship between advocacy and perceived health, and environmental advantages or disadvantages of the issue or project. Simply, out of the listed four factors that may affect the people’s advocacy, only the personal awareness on the issue had the possibility of affecting the people’s advocacy. All the others were proven to have no effect on the people’s advocacy.
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    The wealthy and the well-born: How political elites affect faction formation
    Bedia, Laurice Amy C. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2010-04)
    This paper is a study on the roles of two types of political elites, the landed elites and the business elites, on the different stages of faction formation. Factions are formed because of the desire of politicians to win in elections. The stages of faction formation are the recruitment of members and the selection of candidates for elections, definition of faction activities, decision-making on local policies and ordinances and the management of resource flow for the survival of the faction. The ways the two types of elites affect faction formation differ since the resources available to them also vary. Through interviews with sixteen political elites, eight of which were landed elites and eight were business elites, the study was able to determine the ways in which political elites affect faction formation. Landed elites affect faction formation by influencing the recruitment of members and decision-making of local ordinances through their financial contributions, experience, and political support from relatives in politics and business partners. Business elites on the other hand affect faction formation through providing significant financial contributions for faction activities and recruitment of members. The diversity of the resources of landed elites enables them to have greater effect over faction formation.
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    Court-annexed mediation: Fair and speedy administration of justice in the Philippines
    Baes, Marty V. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2010-04)
    The Philippine Judicial System experiences a problem characterized by clogged court dockets. Courts are having a hard time in resolving the cases brought before them. Court-annexed mediation (CAM) was adopted to supplement the traditional due process (DPL) method of resolving cases. To understand how CAM speeds up the administration of justice, the CAM and DPL method was compared to determine the differences in the length of time and the amount of resources spent for case resolution. Interviews, archival research, and participant observations were conducted. The results revealed that CAM resolve cases in a short period of time involving lesser amount of resources spent compared to the DPL method. Though CAM proves to be a speedy and expedient method of case resolution, it is not yet able to solve the problem of clogged court dockets for the reason that it is still a new method of resolving cases.
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    The empire of Flor Yntrencherado: A study on anti-colonial resistance
    Alayon, John Richard S. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 1999-10)
    Behind the disciplinary mechanisms of the State can be read the haunting memory of contagions, plagues, rebellions, crimes, brigandage, deserters, people who appear and disappear, live and die in disorder. These were the pronounced realities of the Philippine colonial landscape that usually kept the colonial government and its allied class, the principalia, busy. In taking a closer look at the details of these events, however, one can see that all these were the suppressed significant "Others" in an effort of the colonial government to penetrate society, regulate social relationships, extract rewards, and appropriate resources in determined ways. This study presents the life story of Yntrencherado, the self-proclaimed Emperor of the Philippines, in his own light. It is about his exploits, spiritual awakening, missionary activities, theoretical formation and discursive practices, economic enterprise, and networking from the Gigantes all throughout Western Visayas. It also takes into account the formation of the Union (his organization) and eventually its transformation into a full-blown Empire with Yntrencherado Emperor, as its Supreme leader. It also presents the inevitable clash between Yntrencherado and his Empire and the State and its instrumentalities, with the latter being the center of power, bearer of modernity, and an emblem of rationality. Thus, it is imperative to lay bare the perception of the State of the Empire and vice-versa. Moreover, the study explains the specific ways in which the Empire proved subversive to the order supplied and perpetuated by the State. It also determines how the Empire constitutes a form of resistance against the colonial state's drive to rationalize life. The study argues that Yntrencherado, as a historical subject of linear history, is hard to contain. In projecting turn against the dominant historical construct of statehood, one was able to comprehend his life, works, activities, and writings. The state, in its drive towards hegemon,y considered various aspects of Yntrencherado and his Empire as a threat to the former's existence and purpose of governance. On the other hand, Yntrencherado and his Empire felt that some government bureaucratic regulations and instrumentalities were intrusions into their private domains. This eventually led to subversion. The study shows that Yntrencherado and his Empire were subversives to the order supplied and perpetuated by the state in a sense that they had their own center of power. They had their own views as to how everyday life's to be spent and governed, specific religio-political norms and practices to follow, and a leader who was the ultimate source of all knowledge and power in the Empire. The study found out that the Empire constituted a form of resistance against the colonial state's drive to rationalize life in so many ways. On a more pronounced feature, it confronted the infrastructural power of the state violently. Scores of life were lost and properties were damaged in an attempt of the Empire to take over the control of governance from the state. In a more subtle but persisting way, the Empire, Yntrencherado and the Yntencheradistas disregarded many state's rules and regulations or doing nothing at all about the state's official policies. These forms of defiance, however, earned the animosity of the legitimate authority and the military. As the nation-state moves onward, according to Foucault, its coercive power create deviants, Yntrencherado, his Empire and his followers included.