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UPV Theses and Dissertations

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Degree: search.filters.degree.Bachelor of Arts in HistorySDG: search.filters.sdg.SDG 16 - Peace, justice and strong institutions

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    A survey study on the motivations, gender roles and gender perspectives of elected women officials in Iloilo Province from 1988-1992
    Belloga, NC C. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 1995-12-12)
    One hundred elected Iloggas from 28 municipalities of Iloilo Province were interviewed to define their demographic profile, motivations in joining the electoral politics, gender roles, and perspectives based on selected sociopolitical gender issues. This study revealed that most of the respondents are married, aged 40 to 74, have an average of 4- 5 children. Majority of them acquired secondary education, and only 28% are degree holders with female gender courses such as BS Nursing, BS Education, and BS Commerce. Most of these women entered politics in 1988, and most of them came from political clans in their municipalities. All of them joined civic or religious organizations in their municipality. Majority of the respondents supported or initiated government projects during their term of office in the areas of beautification, sanitation, health, and environment arid mostly are geared towards the upliftment of the standard of living in their areas. This study established that most of the respondents performed traditionally female gender roles such as housekeepers, wives and mothers. They also assumed male gender roles such as elected public servant and farmer. Only a few performed non-gender roles such as being a student and engaged in business. Majority of them assumed a triple role? by simultaneously fulfilling their domestic reproduction, production and community management obligations. Majority of these women officials were initially motivated to join politics by their desire to serve the people. Most of them are hesitant to join because they lack political knowledge and public service experience. However, despite of their hesitations, these women decided to run for public office because of the assured support given by their family and friends. Majority of these women did not perceive that their being women marginalizes them in politics. Instead, they view such factor victory which proved that constituents preferred them over leading to their male candidates. Most of these women did not perceive that politics is a man's world with reference to the success of Cory Aquino and Miriam Santiago as female politicians. Majority of then? qualified their opinion on woman's exclusive dominion of home, arguing that women cam only go beyond their household duties if they know they are capable to perform public functions. They define their gender role in Philippine society as helpers, assistants and character molders of the youth. Majority of these women also qualified their opinion on the equality of men and women, asserting that in terms of physical capabilities men are more superior and in areas such as home management arid child tearing. Majority of these women did not perceive that Filipino society is a male-biased society. They view women as capable of occupying national political positions ar?d bias numeric advantage over men. However, majority agreed that Filipino women occupy subordinate roles to men in society because women are weak, less aggressive, receive insufficient support, and have scarce opportunities. Most of the respondents find politics difficult, especially in settling disputes. They contend that once they gained the? respect, of their constituents, they feel competent to tackle the tasks. It is evident that women politicians still adhere to the patriarchal belief and have unresolved gender definition, which are contributory factors to the discrimination of women in politics.
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    Reverse appropriation of the state's cultural nationalism: The case of the Bantoanon indigenous cultural community and the indigenous people's rights act of 1997
    Balla, Airelle Shem E. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2023-07)
    Despite the growing corpus of research on cultural nationalism, the state's role in producing cultural nationalism in a post-colonial and non-western setting and the phenomena from a bottom-up perspective continues to be little explored. This study examines the conditions under which national political leaders pursued policies to protect the cultural heritage of the country's indigenous cultural communities for the aims of political nationalism. From a top- down perspective, the study looks at the context, intent, content, state's implementation and caveats of the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act of 1997. While from the bottom-up perspective, the study looks at how the Bantoanon indigenous community mobilizes and organizes to navigate through state bureaucracy and ‘reappropriate’ the state's nationalism to meet their cultural goals. To examine the phenomena, the study on the textual analysis of existing written primary and secondary sources supplemented with oral interviews of key informants and a review of available literature. It finds that at the national level, political motives partly animated the support of political leaders for indigenous cultural heritage protection policies; that the state used heritage protection policies to pursue its political purposes; and that the support for political leaders for indigenous cultural heritage protection policies was premised on the condition that it did not interfere with the state's interests and diminish the state's rights. While at the Bantoanon indigenous cultural communities level, it finds that despite the caveats embedded in the country's heritage protection policies, the indigenous cultural community could mobilize and assert its rights, thus enabling it to ‘reappropriate’ the state's political institutions to meet its own cultural objectives. This thesis, therefore, argues that the relationship between the two parties under IPRA is mutually beneficial, with both the state and indigenous cultural communities finding some utility in the law.
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    Guerilla movement in Oton during the Japanese occupation of Panay: History and significance
    Antiquiera, Remigio G. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 1989-03)
    This is a research paper on the guerrilla movement in Oton during the Japanese occupation of Panay from April 15, 1942, up to the final disbandment of the different guerrilla units on July 31, 1945. The objectives of the study are: to find out the origin, goals, and objectives of the guerrilla movement in Oton; to identify the persons involve in the founding of the guerrilla movement in the area during the Japanese occupation of Panay; and to find out the significance of the guerrilla movement in Oton in relation to Panay's struggle to be liberated from the Japanese forces. The purpose of this study is to present, in a descriptive manner, the guerrilla movement in Oton during the Japanese occupation of Panay. The sources used are published and unpublished materials of soldiers and guerrillas, regarding their activities and experiences during the occupations. Also, the researcher was able to interview persons were actively participating in the guerrilla movement at that time, and other persons who had witnessed the Japanese occupation. The study was able to bring into light the nature of the guerrilla movement in Oton during the Japanese occupation of Panay and its significance in the defeat of the Japanese. The guerrillas of Oton, together with other unite attached to the 63rd RCT, were able to fill the gap in the overall plan of resistance in the southern towns of Iloilo. It was their active resistance that help facilitate the drive of the Americans to liberate the southern part of Iloilo. This, subsequently, weakened the southern defenses of the Japanese and enabled the combined force of Filipinos and Americans to liberate the rest of Panay.
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    The role of Filipino children in the guerrilla war against the Japanese in Panay, 1942-1945
    Apin, Oliver Brian M. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines, 1998)
    This is a study about the significant role of Filipino children in the guerrilla resistance movement in Panay from 1942 to 1945. The study seeks to: (a) identify who were these child guerrillas who participated in the guerrilla war, (b) ascertain the reasons why they participated in the resistance movement, (c) identify what roles they played and analyze how their roles helped the guerrilla resistance movement in Panay. The researcher utilized the technique of oral history and narratives of child guerrillas who were former members of the 61st Infantry Division. Secondary informants, who have knowledge about the resistance movement in Panay during the Second World War, like relatives, friends, and unit mates/comrades-in-arms of the child guerrillas were also interviewed. The approach used by the researcher in interviewing the informants was informal and did not make use of a questionnaire. The researcher let the informants tell their experiences during the guerrilla war. Materials from various libraries, such as books, theses, magazines, memoirs, and military documents, were also utilized. The collected data were then analyzed and cross-examined by corroborating the testimonies of the primary and secondary informants and findings in the library research in order to establish the authenticity of their narratives. From the informants, the researcher found out that there were a variety of reasons why they participated in the guerrilla resistance movement. Among these were patriotism, personal grievances, the desire to satisfy their sense of adventure, and economic conditions. The researcher also found out that adult guerrillas coerced some of the children. The research reveals that the contributions of children to the guerrilla movement were very significant. Their responsibilities as guerrillas include guarding mobile guerrilla installations; doing household chores, like cooking, washing clothes, cleaning weapons and campgrounds; and giving first aid to wounded guerrillas. Some of the child guerrillas were also involved in intelligence operations, signal and communications assignments, and military/combat operations. The researcher also found out from credible informants that there were almost a hundred child guerrillas who served the 61st Division. Most of them are still unidentified.
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    The political career of Mayor Romulo Cabana of Leon, Iloilo (1992-2001)
    Andrada, Ed Nathan; Torrijos, Richelle Paul (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2001-04)
    This is the study on the political career of Romulo C. Cabana, a three-term municipal mayor of Leon, Iloilo (1992-2001). The objectives of the study were: to trace Romulo Cabana’s ascendancy as the top executive of the Municipality of Leon, which includes his inherent qualities, political affiliations, socio-economic position, educational background and strategies that led to his election as mayor; to assess Mayor Cabana’s political philosophies and leanings, and; to make a comparison between the programs of the Municipal Government and what were accomplished. To achieve these objectives, the researchers used the following methods: an archival research, which includes materials contained in the different agencies of the local government, and the local library of the Municipality of Leon; interview with key informants, which includes the mayor himself and a number of local constituents who have the knowledge and experience associating with Mayor Cabana. The researchers have found out, that as a political leader, Romulo Cabana, has inherent qualities and characteristics that led his career to a three-term mayor of the Municipality of Leon. He has the willingness to serve his constituents, especially those who are less fortunate in the society. His socio-economic background had further induced and strengthened his cause for the “masa” or the ordinary people. Mayor Cabana’s political career had once proved that, political strategies and affiliations were secondary if not only to serve as a background to public service and societal responsibilities. With his career he also proved that experience and practicability is more worth than the highest educational attainment or status. With his unique political repertoire and humanistic charisma, many of his constituents in Leon had described him as the most “loved,” and the most respected municipal mayor in Leon to date. And with few critics on the opposite side, Mayor Cabana did his job steadfastly with a vision for growth and development of the Municipality of Leon.