UPV Theses and Dissertations
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Item Electoral campaign of mayoral candidates of Leon, Iloilo in the 1992 electionCababasay, Ivy C. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2001-10)This is a descriptive study of the electoral campaign of the six mayoral candidates of Leon, Iloilo in the 1992 election. The 1992 Leon mayoral candidates were Romulo Cabana, Neri Cabsaba. Alejandro Caelian. Jaime Calosing. Rodolfo Camarista and Ismael Candolada. This study aims to present a profile of the 1992 Leon mayoral candidates: to determine the campaign resources; to analyze the campaign organization and the campaign strategies of the mayoral candidates during the electoral campaign: to analyze the voters' choice and perceptions of the 1992 Leon mayoral electoral campaign; and, to analyze the electoral campaign of the mayoral candidates in the 1992 election in Leon. To satisfy these objectives, the researcher interviewed the mayoral candidates, some of their family members, their campaign staff and/or their representatives. A questionnaire was also formulated and was administered to the respondents. The findings of the study reveal that almost all of the mayoral candidates came from prominent families. Most of them came from the upper-middle class families except for Cabana and Cabsaba who considered their family as belonging to the lower class. Except for Romulo Cabana, all mayoral candidates in the 1992 election in Leon were college graduates. Except for Calosing and Camarista all four mayoral candidates had ran for an elective office prior to the 1992 election. The campaign resources, particularly the material resources of a candidate were the determining factor in the success of his electoral campaign. It was also found out that most of the mayoral candidates have no formal structural organization in their electoral campaign except for Cabana and Calosing. Campaign strategies common among the mayoral candidates were holding of caucus in the barangays, distribution of leaflets, stickers, sample ballots and posting of streamers and other campaign materials. Character assasination and mudslinging were also present in the campaign. Voters were more interested in the personal issues raised against the mayoral candidates than their proposed programs of government or public concerns. They (voters) voted for the mayoral candidate based on the latter's personality or personal attributes. Personalities are more remembered than social and political issues. Although there was vote-buying in the 1992 election, the mayoral candidates and the voters themselves considered it peaceful and orderly due to the absence of violence.Item Interest groups in local politics: A case study of the establishment of marine protected areas in San Joaquin, IloiloBernardez, Ivy Clarize A. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2012-06)Interest groups play an important role in local policy-making. Policy space has been created for interest groups by the decentralization mandated by the Local Government Code of 1991. This study aimed to describe the role of interest groups in local policy-making, especially with regards to the environment. This study explores the stages interest groups participate in more and the resources, strategies and tactics that they used in their participation. The study was conducted in the 22 coastal barangays of San Joaquin, Iloilo, with the different interest groups involved in the MPA formation as the unit of analysis. The actors involved included the municipal government, the coastal barangays, and the business sector. It was found out that the agenda-setting and policy formulation stages of the policy-making process are the stages interest groups participate in more because of their access to resources such as university researchers, scientific experts. The use of expert knowledge to convince other stakeholders was effective, such that there was very little opposition of the establishment of project. Although the Code provided interest groups a space in the local policy-making process, factors such as available resources, strategies, and tactics affect this participation.Item A survey study on the motivations, gender roles and gender perspectives of elected women officials in Iloilo Province from 1988-1992Belloga, NC C. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 1995-12-12)One hundred elected Iloggas from 28 municipalities of Iloilo Province were interviewed to define their demographic profile, motivations in joining the electoral politics, gender roles, and perspectives based on selected sociopolitical gender issues. This study revealed that most of the respondents are married, aged 40 to 74, have an average of 4- 5 children. Majority of them acquired secondary education, and only 28% are degree holders with female gender courses such as BS Nursing, BS Education, and BS Commerce. Most of these women entered politics in 1988, and most of them came from political clans in their municipalities. All of them joined civic or religious organizations in their municipality. Majority of the respondents supported or initiated government projects during their term of office in the areas of beautification, sanitation, health, and environment arid mostly are geared towards the upliftment of the standard of living in their areas. This study established that most of the respondents performed traditionally female gender roles such as housekeepers, wives and mothers. They also assumed male gender roles such as elected public servant and farmer. Only a few performed non-gender roles such as being a student and engaged in business. Majority of them assumed a triple role? by simultaneously fulfilling their domestic reproduction, production and community management obligations. Majority of these women officials were initially motivated to join politics by their desire to serve the people. Most of them are hesitant to join because they lack political knowledge and public service experience. However, despite of their hesitations, these women decided to run for public office because of the assured support given by their family and friends. Majority of these women did not perceive that their being women marginalizes them in politics. Instead, they view such factor victory which proved that constituents preferred them over leading to their male candidates. Most of these women did not perceive that politics is a man's world with reference to the success of Cory Aquino and Miriam Santiago as female politicians. Majority of then? qualified their opinion on woman's exclusive dominion of home, arguing that women cam only go beyond their household duties if they know they are capable to perform public functions. They define their gender role in Philippine society as helpers, assistants and character molders of the youth. Majority of these women also qualified their opinion on the equality of men and women, asserting that in terms of physical capabilities men are more superior and in areas such as home management arid child tearing. Majority of these women did not perceive that Filipino society is a male-biased society. They view women as capable of occupying national political positions ar?d bias numeric advantage over men. However, majority agreed that Filipino women occupy subordinate roles to men in society because women are weak, less aggressive, receive insufficient support, and have scarce opportunities. Most of the respondents find politics difficult, especially in settling disputes. They contend that once they gained the? respect, of their constituents, they feel competent to tackle the tasks. It is evident that women politicians still adhere to the patriarchal belief and have unresolved gender definition, which are contributory factors to the discrimination of women in politics.Item A comparative study on the political awareness and level of trust to the government in relation to the level of political participation of in-school and out-of-school youths in Miag-ao, IloiloBaylosis, Jericho Alain G. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2005-03)This study sought to determine, compare, and analyze the political awareness and the level of trust to the government in relation to the level of political participation of the inschool and out-of-school youth in Miag-ao, Iloilo. Specifically the study tried to identify the political awareness of both in- school and out- of- school youth and the factors that influence their political awareness. It likewise sought to determine the differences in the political awareness, level of trust to the government, and level of political participation of both in- school and out- of- school youth. The study also sought to find out if the level of trust to the government affects the level of political participation of the respondents. One- hundred three (103) in- school youth were selected by simple random sampling from Miag-ao National High School and twenty- one (21) out- of- school youth were selected by employing the snowball sampling from the barangays that compose the poblacion area of the municipality of Miag-ao served as the respondents of the study. Likert scale was used to measure the respondents’ level of trust to the government and level of political participation. On the other hand, a “yes- no scale” was used to measure the political awareness of both respondents. The Mann-Witney Non Parametric test and the Chi-square test were used to analyze the results of the study. Research results showed that age does not affect the political awareness of the respondents but on the other hand, results of the study also showed that sex and educational attainment affect the respondents’ political awareness and that these two factors serve as a determinant of political awareness Comparing the results of both in- school and out- of- school youth showed both sets of respondents are politically aware, for their averages fall above the 50% line but the in-school youth showed a higher level of political awareness as compared to the out-of-school youth. In terms on their level of trust to the government, both respondents are undecided if they trust the government. Research results from the level of political participation of the in-school and out-of-school youth showed that both respondents agree that the youth should be politically participate. Lastly, the results of the study showed that the respondents’ level of trust to the government does not affect their level of political participationItem An analysis of fiscal decentralization: The case of Cadiz City, Negros OccidentalBaynosa, Rogelita P.; Toque, Narciso R. (Division ofSocial Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2002-03)Decentralization has been an issue in the late twentieth century. Developing countries have shifted toward more decentralized forms of government that promises to change their political life in profound ways. The Philippines has decentralized its government through the enactment of the Local Government Code of 1991. This has brought changes to the Philippine governance. The code legislated the creation of local government units such as regions, provinces, cities, and municipalities with which the central government devolved its major power and authority. In this study, an attempt is made to discuss the issues and problems of fiscal decentralization in developing countries, specifically the Philippine experience. A review of the Cadiz City experience substantiates the discussion on decentralization. Taking the case of Cadiz City as a microcosm of the Philippine experience with decentralization as a whole and that of the developing world’s in much broader scale, this study presents an analysis of the realities of fiscal decentralization, which is the core of the devolution program in the Philippines. The data gathered show that although Cadiz City government had been granted the autonomy to manage its own affairs, it remains dependent on grants and allotments from the central government instead of maximizing the fiscal powers being devolved to it, specifically, its revenue-raising power. Moreover, the data on the local government’s allocation of its financial resources during the years 1997-2000 show that it has been efficient in terms of providing basic public goods and services to its constituents but not in terms of empowering the community people to participate in advocacy, decision-making, and other activities of local governance. The data also show that politics played a great role in the implementation of various development programs, projects, and activities.Item Political barter: A study of Makati City's emergency cash relief program and its link to local government legitimacy and incumbent electoral supportBedonia, Roberto S., III (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2022-06)Makati City ramped its pandemic response by implementing its own “Maka-Tulong 5K” cash assistance to its citizens. Although there are extant studies on the political dimension of cash assistance, the proliferation of this one-time provision merits further understanding. The research looked at the relationship between the benefeciaries’ perceived effects of the assistance and their local government’s legitimacy. It also examined the link between assistance received and prospective vote for the incumbent mayor in the 2022 elections. Using a descriptive research design and employing a structured questionnaire to the Slovin-sampled population (n=100) of citizenbeneficiaries, it is argued that positive perceived effects also confer high levels of local government legitimacy. However, facilitation of legitimacy by the assistance received is only at a moderate level as driven by the proximity of the cash effects with respondents’ needs. Moreover, the cash assistance could only potentially deliver incumbent votes. These results and findings were consolidated under ‘the system’s justification theory’ proposing that respondents had the motivation to provide legitimacy due mainly to the Makati government’s well-regarded pandemic response but such legitimation was regulated by the interface of situational-dispositional contextual factors.Item The wealthy and the well-born: How political elites affect faction formationBedia, Laurice Amy C. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2010-04)This paper is a study on the roles of two types of political elites, the landed elites and the business elites, on the different stages of faction formation. Factions are formed because of the desire of politicians to win in elections. The stages of faction formation are the recruitment of members and the selection of candidates for elections, definition of faction activities, decision-making on local policies and ordinances and the management of resource flow for the survival of the faction. The ways the two types of elites affect faction formation differ since the resources available to them also vary. Through interviews with sixteen political elites, eight of which were landed elites and eight were business elites, the study was able to determine the ways in which political elites affect faction formation. Landed elites affect faction formation by influencing the recruitment of members and decision-making of local ordinances through their financial contributions, experience, and political support from relatives in politics and business partners. Business elites on the other hand affect faction formation through providing significant financial contributions for faction activities and recruitment of members. The diversity of the resources of landed elites enables them to have greater effect over faction formation.Item To run or not to run: Intentions of politicians to participate in politicsBautista, Michelle M.; Del Rosario, Teri S. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2016-05)The overall purpose of the study was to investigate the intentions of Filipino politicians to participate in politics, guided by Leek Ajzen's Theory of Planned Behavior. The study employed qualitative methodology involving a total of 10 interviews with political candidates from the province of Aklan. Participants were recruited using criterion sampling. Results showed that attitude towards political participation, perceived pressure from the public, political parties, and family members, belief in one’s capacity to pursue political activities, and past experience largely influence the intentions of politicians to engage in politics; and their intentions, in turn, were translated into actual political participation. Past experience and belief in one’s capacity to pursue political activities were found to directly influence political engagement, and all identified factors were also found to be associated with one another. The relationships of all the constructs were consistent with our modified model of the Theory of Planned Behavior. Overall, the study offered support to the use of qualitative methodology in utilizing the Theory of Planned Behavior as a theoretical framework. The study also provided evidence that past experience could be included in the model of the Theory of Planned Behavior.Item Batog kag Aya-ay: The politics of ecological consciousness of the presidents of Barangay Pantalan President Roxas, CapizBañez, Ma. Arve (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 1992-03-01)This study examines the folk consciousness on the environment of the residents of Barangay Pantalan, President Roxas, Capiz. A combination of the etic and emic approaches in social sciences was used to make sense out of the informations gathered from the field. This study also identifies Man as Master of Nature, Man and Nature in Antagonism, Man in Harmony with Nature, and Nature as Sacred as the different relationships between human being and Nature. These different relationships between human being and Nature are contained- in the two broad opposing rationalities, namely, Speciesism and Environmentalism. An ethnocartography of Barangay Pantalan is constituted in this study using the folk sense of direction and orientation. In addition, the study examines the folk beliefs and practices built around man-made structure, sea, and the flora and the fauna. This study concludes with a discussion of the politics of environmentalism. Human being does not dominate Nature nor Nature dominates human being in this politics of environmentalism. The same politics embodies ethical dimensions which check the drift toward the destruction of the environment.Item Public opinion towards the roles of the military in politicsBacaoco, Jeemon Rey A.; Tabernilla, Piologo A., II (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2011-04)The study has 200 respondents all from Iloilo City, randomly selected according to population in all six districts. The respondents were given a four-category questionnaire to answer that detailed in value statements the military’s roles: traditional roles of the military, non traditional roles of the military, former military in politics and military and society. This paper obtained the public’s opinion through their answers in the questionnaire that employed a Likert-Scale that ranges from 1 as strongly disagree, 2 as disagree, 3 as neutral, 4 as agree and 5 as strongly agree. The result showed that the public disagrees with the military’s participation in politics as shown in their disagreements with the military taking over in times of presidential vacancy with 80.5 percent in the disagree scale and in former military personnel entering into politics with 80 percent on the disagree scale. But in terms of the non — traditional roles of the military, the public agrees with them, like they largely agree with the traditional ones, not seeing them as opportunities for roles in politics.