UPV Theses and Dissertations
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Item Electoral campaign of mayoral candidates of Leon, Iloilo in the 1992 electionCababasay, Ivy C. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2001-10)This is a descriptive study of the electoral campaign of the six mayoral candidates of Leon, Iloilo in the 1992 election. The 1992 Leon mayoral candidates were Romulo Cabana, Neri Cabsaba. Alejandro Caelian. Jaime Calosing. Rodolfo Camarista and Ismael Candolada. This study aims to present a profile of the 1992 Leon mayoral candidates: to determine the campaign resources; to analyze the campaign organization and the campaign strategies of the mayoral candidates during the electoral campaign: to analyze the voters' choice and perceptions of the 1992 Leon mayoral electoral campaign; and, to analyze the electoral campaign of the mayoral candidates in the 1992 election in Leon. To satisfy these objectives, the researcher interviewed the mayoral candidates, some of their family members, their campaign staff and/or their representatives. A questionnaire was also formulated and was administered to the respondents. The findings of the study reveal that almost all of the mayoral candidates came from prominent families. Most of them came from the upper-middle class families except for Cabana and Cabsaba who considered their family as belonging to the lower class. Except for Romulo Cabana, all mayoral candidates in the 1992 election in Leon were college graduates. Except for Calosing and Camarista all four mayoral candidates had ran for an elective office prior to the 1992 election. The campaign resources, particularly the material resources of a candidate were the determining factor in the success of his electoral campaign. It was also found out that most of the mayoral candidates have no formal structural organization in their electoral campaign except for Cabana and Calosing. Campaign strategies common among the mayoral candidates were holding of caucus in the barangays, distribution of leaflets, stickers, sample ballots and posting of streamers and other campaign materials. Character assasination and mudslinging were also present in the campaign. Voters were more interested in the personal issues raised against the mayoral candidates than their proposed programs of government or public concerns. They (voters) voted for the mayoral candidate based on the latter's personality or personal attributes. Personalities are more remembered than social and political issues. Although there was vote-buying in the 1992 election, the mayoral candidates and the voters themselves considered it peaceful and orderly due to the absence of violence.Item A comparative study on the political awareness and level of trust to the government in relation to the level of political participation of in-school and out-of-school youths in Miag-ao, IloiloBaylosis, Jericho Alain G. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2005-03)This study sought to determine, compare, and analyze the political awareness and the level of trust to the government in relation to the level of political participation of the inschool and out-of-school youth in Miag-ao, Iloilo. Specifically the study tried to identify the political awareness of both in- school and out- of- school youth and the factors that influence their political awareness. It likewise sought to determine the differences in the political awareness, level of trust to the government, and level of political participation of both in- school and out- of- school youth. The study also sought to find out if the level of trust to the government affects the level of political participation of the respondents. One- hundred three (103) in- school youth were selected by simple random sampling from Miag-ao National High School and twenty- one (21) out- of- school youth were selected by employing the snowball sampling from the barangays that compose the poblacion area of the municipality of Miag-ao served as the respondents of the study. Likert scale was used to measure the respondents’ level of trust to the government and level of political participation. On the other hand, a “yes- no scale” was used to measure the political awareness of both respondents. The Mann-Witney Non Parametric test and the Chi-square test were used to analyze the results of the study. Research results showed that age does not affect the political awareness of the respondents but on the other hand, results of the study also showed that sex and educational attainment affect the respondents’ political awareness and that these two factors serve as a determinant of political awareness Comparing the results of both in- school and out- of- school youth showed both sets of respondents are politically aware, for their averages fall above the 50% line but the in-school youth showed a higher level of political awareness as compared to the out-of-school youth. In terms on their level of trust to the government, both respondents are undecided if they trust the government. Research results from the level of political participation of the in-school and out-of-school youth showed that both respondents agree that the youth should be politically participate. Lastly, the results of the study showed that the respondents’ level of trust to the government does not affect their level of political participationItem Political barter: A study of Makati City's emergency cash relief program and its link to local government legitimacy and incumbent electoral supportBedonia, Roberto S., III (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2022-06)Makati City ramped its pandemic response by implementing its own “Maka-Tulong 5K” cash assistance to its citizens. Although there are extant studies on the political dimension of cash assistance, the proliferation of this one-time provision merits further understanding. The research looked at the relationship between the benefeciaries’ perceived effects of the assistance and their local government’s legitimacy. It also examined the link between assistance received and prospective vote for the incumbent mayor in the 2022 elections. Using a descriptive research design and employing a structured questionnaire to the Slovin-sampled population (n=100) of citizenbeneficiaries, it is argued that positive perceived effects also confer high levels of local government legitimacy. However, facilitation of legitimacy by the assistance received is only at a moderate level as driven by the proximity of the cash effects with respondents’ needs. Moreover, the cash assistance could only potentially deliver incumbent votes. These results and findings were consolidated under ‘the system’s justification theory’ proposing that respondents had the motivation to provide legitimacy due mainly to the Makati government’s well-regarded pandemic response but such legitimation was regulated by the interface of situational-dispositional contextual factors.Item The wealthy and the well-born: How political elites affect faction formationBedia, Laurice Amy C. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2010-04)This paper is a study on the roles of two types of political elites, the landed elites and the business elites, on the different stages of faction formation. Factions are formed because of the desire of politicians to win in elections. The stages of faction formation are the recruitment of members and the selection of candidates for elections, definition of faction activities, decision-making on local policies and ordinances and the management of resource flow for the survival of the faction. The ways the two types of elites affect faction formation differ since the resources available to them also vary. Through interviews with sixteen political elites, eight of which were landed elites and eight were business elites, the study was able to determine the ways in which political elites affect faction formation. Landed elites affect faction formation by influencing the recruitment of members and decision-making of local ordinances through their financial contributions, experience, and political support from relatives in politics and business partners. Business elites on the other hand affect faction formation through providing significant financial contributions for faction activities and recruitment of members. The diversity of the resources of landed elites enables them to have greater effect over faction formation.Item Batog kag Aya-ay: The politics of ecological consciousness of the presidents of Barangay Pantalan President Roxas, CapizBañez, Ma. Arve (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 1992-03-01)This study examines the folk consciousness on the environment of the residents of Barangay Pantalan, President Roxas, Capiz. A combination of the etic and emic approaches in social sciences was used to make sense out of the informations gathered from the field. This study also identifies Man as Master of Nature, Man and Nature in Antagonism, Man in Harmony with Nature, and Nature as Sacred as the different relationships between human being and Nature. These different relationships between human being and Nature are contained- in the two broad opposing rationalities, namely, Speciesism and Environmentalism. An ethnocartography of Barangay Pantalan is constituted in this study using the folk sense of direction and orientation. In addition, the study examines the folk beliefs and practices built around man-made structure, sea, and the flora and the fauna. This study concludes with a discussion of the politics of environmentalism. Human being does not dominate Nature nor Nature dominates human being in this politics of environmentalism. The same politics embodies ethical dimensions which check the drift toward the destruction of the environment.Item Public opinion towards the roles of the military in politicsBacaoco, Jeemon Rey A.; Tabernilla, Piologo A., II (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2011-04)The study has 200 respondents all from Iloilo City, randomly selected according to population in all six districts. The respondents were given a four-category questionnaire to answer that detailed in value statements the military’s roles: traditional roles of the military, non traditional roles of the military, former military in politics and military and society. This paper obtained the public’s opinion through their answers in the questionnaire that employed a Likert-Scale that ranges from 1 as strongly disagree, 2 as disagree, 3 as neutral, 4 as agree and 5 as strongly agree. The result showed that the public disagrees with the military’s participation in politics as shown in their disagreements with the military taking over in times of presidential vacancy with 80.5 percent in the disagree scale and in former military personnel entering into politics with 80 percent on the disagree scale. But in terms of the non — traditional roles of the military, the public agrees with them, like they largely agree with the traditional ones, not seeing them as opportunities for roles in politics.Item Comparative study of democratic action in the Facebook accounts of Akbayan, Bayan Muna and Partido ng Mangagawa in the 2010 pre-elections, election and post-election periodsBaban, Ivy B.; Sia, Christine Marie M. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2011-03)Facebook as a social networking site offers an arena where users can engage in political discussions. Facebook is also increasingly becoming an important venue for political socialization and for gathering and sharing political knowledge among its users. For political parties in particular, Facebook is a useful tool in forwarding its agenda and generating interest among followers. This paper examined the volume, density and quality of democratic action, categorized into information sharing, public opinion and public discourse, among users of the Facebook accounts of Akbayan, Bayan Muna and Partido ng Manggagawa political parties before, during and after the 2010 elections. The level of information sharing in the Facebook accounts depicted a downward fashion, having only the greatest outlay of data in the pre-election period. Public opinion elicited the least number of participation with the election period as the lone impetus for opiniongiving. Public discussion in Facebook political party pages was present. However, the extent to which these discussions have been forwarded was limited. The discussions also tended to focus on issues that the parties care about but generating little debate and few participants. The presence of information-sharing is high indicating that initiation of public discussion is primarily administrator-driven. Public opinion lagged behind information sharing implying that public discussion is basically affected by the bias in information sharing. Overall, Facebook political party pages have not yet reached the level of interaction that entails a wider audience participating in enlightened discussions.Item A comparative study of issue and candidate orientation of voters in rural and urban barangaysAzzaraga, Josephine D. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 1996-03)Voting is the most important political activity, and for most Filipinos the only means of political participation, engaged in by citizens in a democratic society. Thus, it is important to examine the degree of importance given by voters towards issues as opposed to candidates' ascribed personal traits and achievements and their (the voters’) particularistic interests’ when they cast their votes. The locale, which is either rural or urban, may possibly show different degrees of these influences on the voters. This study, therefore, seeks to determine the level of issue and candidate orientations of voters in rural and urban barangays. The study also aims to compare the level of issue and candidate orientations of voters from rural and urban barangays. Given these objectives, a survey was conducted in the rural barangays of Bacauan, Indag-an and North Kirayan in Miag-ao, Iloilo and the urban barangays of San Pedro, Rizal and Rizal Pala-pala II in Iloilo City with a total of 100 respondents. A questionnaire which contains issue and candidate orientation scales was used. These scales were designed to elicit the issue awareness and concern of the respondents when they chose their candidate for president in the 1992 election as well as the respondents' attraction towards candidates when they voted The findings of the study reveal that voters in rural barangays are moderately issue- oriented. The study also found a majority of the voters from urban barangays to be moderately issue oriented. Among rural voters, the level of candidate orientation was found to be moderate. Voters from urban barangays were found to have a moderate level of candidate orientation. Results of the study using the Mann-Whiney U test showed that voters from rural barangays were no less issue-oriented than those from urban barangays. Also, no difference was found in the level of candidate orientation of rural and urban voters. Results suggest that attitudes towards candidates and issues in national elections are not affected by the locale of the voter.Item Water politics: The influence of power politics in accessing domestic water at Hamtic and Sibalom, AntiqueAller, Emmanuel C.; Macuja, Yra Frances O. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2017-06)Philippines has a total annual renewable water of 479 billion cubic meters from surface and groundwater sources (ADB. 2013). Despite this seeming abundance, water supply remains scarce and unequally distributed among rural communities. To address this gap, the national government has come up with various funding mechanisms for small domestic water infrastructure projects. This paper describes the different features of the barangay governmentrun water projects in Hamtic and Sibalom, Antique, funded through Congressional Priority Development Assistance Fund (PDAF) from 2003-2013. It examines how formal mechanisms (government funding process) and informal arrangements (clientelism and power politics), influenced the access of barangays to water projects. It also describes how distance from the project site, financial capability, quality of water service, and relationship between households and incumbent politicians influenced people’s water access from the barangay government-run water utility once completed. Interviews among district officer, managers, barangay captains; and survey on 80 and 79 households in the two locales were utilized. Clientelism and power politics was found to have a general effect on how funds for water was allocated and accessed by the barangay from amongst many in the Congressional district. However, such was not prevalent in individual to barangay level of access.Item The dynamics of going legitimate and running for Barangay position among rebel returnees in Leon, IloiloAllones, April Joy G.; Fillaro, Geraldine M. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2005-03)This study explains the process of going back to the mainstream of society of former rebels and their political participation in the barangay politics. Descriptive in nature, it has the following objectives; first, is to identify the social climate and political recruitment patterns (reasons, mindset, and community situation) of rebel returnees; second, is to identify the resources from national or local politicians and “partido”, who endorsed the rebel returnees; third to identify the factors behind the success or failure of rebel returnee candidates in barangay elections. The method used in gathering of the data was personal interview with an interview guide. The study found out that in the recruitment, selection and election patterns of individuals, whether a private individual or a rebel returnee, several factors are considered before the people decides who they wanted to vote. Personality traits, kinship ties and political machineries are always important to dominate local or national politics in the Philippines. Motivation and political were also popular reasons for winning the elections. Inspired and influence by the doctrines of the underground movement, the rebel returnees joined politics due to their strong conviction to effect changes they had been advocating ever since. But, their rebel background had been a setback for their election into public position. They refused endorsement from local partidos for they believe and adhered to their genuine cause of fielding themselves in politics without political backings. Some of these rebel returnees succeeded in their quest for barangay position and some did not. The success and failure of each rebel returnees had been determined by varying factors present in the society.