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Undergraduate Research Paper

Permanent URI for this collectionhttps://hdl.handle.net/20.500.14583/28

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    An analysis of fiscal decentralization: The case of Cadiz City, Negros Occidental
    Baynosa, Rogelita P.; Toque, Narciso R. (Division ofSocial Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2002-03)
    Decentralization has been an issue in the late twentieth century. Developing countries have shifted toward more decentralized forms of government that promises to change their political life in profound ways. The Philippines has decentralized its government through the enactment of the Local Government Code of 1991. This has brought changes to the Philippine governance. The code legislated the creation of local government units such as regions, provinces, cities, and municipalities with which the central government devolved its major power and authority. In this study, an attempt is made to discuss the issues and problems of fiscal decentralization in developing countries, specifically the Philippine experience. A review of the Cadiz City experience substantiates the discussion on decentralization. Taking the case of Cadiz City as a microcosm of the Philippine experience with decentralization as a whole and that of the developing world’s in much broader scale, this study presents an analysis of the realities of fiscal decentralization, which is the core of the devolution program in the Philippines. The data gathered show that although Cadiz City government had been granted the autonomy to manage its own affairs, it remains dependent on grants and allotments from the central government instead of maximizing the fiscal powers being devolved to it, specifically, its revenue-raising power. Moreover, the data on the local government’s allocation of its financial resources during the years 1997-2000 show that it has been efficient in terms of providing basic public goods and services to its constituents but not in terms of empowering the community people to participate in advocacy, decision-making, and other activities of local governance. The data also show that politics played a great role in the implementation of various development programs, projects, and activities.
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    The wealthy and the well-born: How political elites affect faction formation
    Bedia, Laurice Amy C. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2010-04)
    This paper is a study on the roles of two types of political elites, the landed elites and the business elites, on the different stages of faction formation. Factions are formed because of the desire of politicians to win in elections. The stages of faction formation are the recruitment of members and the selection of candidates for elections, definition of faction activities, decision-making on local policies and ordinances and the management of resource flow for the survival of the faction. The ways the two types of elites affect faction formation differ since the resources available to them also vary. Through interviews with sixteen political elites, eight of which were landed elites and eight were business elites, the study was able to determine the ways in which political elites affect faction formation. Landed elites affect faction formation by influencing the recruitment of members and decision-making of local ordinances through their financial contributions, experience, and political support from relatives in politics and business partners. Business elites on the other hand affect faction formation through providing significant financial contributions for faction activities and recruitment of members. The diversity of the resources of landed elites enables them to have greater effect over faction formation.
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    To run or not to run: Intentions of politicians to participate in politics
    Bautista, Michelle M.; Del Rosario, Teri S. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2016-05)
    The overall purpose of the study was to investigate the intentions of Filipino politicians to participate in politics, guided by Leek Ajzen's Theory of Planned Behavior. The study employed qualitative methodology involving a total of 10 interviews with political candidates from the province of Aklan. Participants were recruited using criterion sampling. Results showed that attitude towards political participation, perceived pressure from the public, political parties, and family members, belief in one’s capacity to pursue political activities, and past experience largely influence the intentions of politicians to engage in politics; and their intentions, in turn, were translated into actual political participation. Past experience and belief in one’s capacity to pursue political activities were found to directly influence political engagement, and all identified factors were also found to be associated with one another. The relationships of all the constructs were consistent with our modified model of the Theory of Planned Behavior. Overall, the study offered support to the use of qualitative methodology in utilizing the Theory of Planned Behavior as a theoretical framework. The study also provided evidence that past experience could be included in the model of the Theory of Planned Behavior.
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    The dynamics of going legitimate and running for Barangay position among rebel returnees in Leon, Iloilo
    Allones, April Joy G.; Fillaro, Geraldine M. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2005-03)
    This study explains the process of going back to the mainstream of society of former rebels and their political participation in the barangay politics. Descriptive in nature, it has the following objectives; first, is to identify the social climate and political recruitment patterns (reasons, mindset, and community situation) of rebel returnees; second, is to identify the resources from national or local politicians and “partido”, who endorsed the rebel returnees; third to identify the factors behind the success or failure of rebel returnee candidates in barangay elections. The method used in gathering of the data was personal interview with an interview guide. The study found out that in the recruitment, selection and election patterns of individuals, whether a private individual or a rebel returnee, several factors are considered before the people decides who they wanted to vote. Personality traits, kinship ties and political machineries are always important to dominate local or national politics in the Philippines. Motivation and political were also popular reasons for winning the elections. Inspired and influence by the doctrines of the underground movement, the rebel returnees joined politics due to their strong conviction to effect changes they had been advocating ever since. But, their rebel background had been a setback for their election into public position. They refused endorsement from local partidos for they believe and adhered to their genuine cause of fielding themselves in politics without political backings. Some of these rebel returnees succeeded in their quest for barangay position and some did not. The success and failure of each rebel returnees had been determined by varying factors present in the society.
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    A study of the political efficacy and political participation of women in Guimbal, Iloilo
    Acerbo, Ella Luna S.; Gasapo, Griselle L. (Division of Social Sciences, College of Arts and Sciences, University of the Philippines Visayas, 2001-04)
    This is a study of the political efficacy and political participation of women in Guimbal Iloilo The study has the following objectives, 1) to measure the level of political efficacy of the selected registered women voter in Guimbal, Iloilo, 2) to analyze the effect of selected socioeconomic factors affecting the level of political efficacy selected registered women voters in Guimbal, Iloilo, specifically a) to determine the relationship between age and level of political efficacy; b) to determine the relationship between educational attainment and the level of political efficacy c) to determine the relationship between income and level of political efficacy and d) to determine the relationship between occupation and level of political, efficacy, lastly, the study aims to determine the relationship between political efficacy and participation of the selected registered women voters in the local politics in Guimbal, Iloilo. The study presents five hypotheses, which are there is no relationship between age and level of political efficacy; 2) there is no relationship between educational attainment and level of political efficacy, 3) there is no relationship between income and level of political efficacy; 4) there is no relationship between occupation and level of political efficacy, and lastly, there is no relationship between political efficacy and political 1 participation. The results of the study show that there is no relationship between participation, thus hypothesis 1 is accepted. Meanwhile, hypothesis 2 is rejected; that is, educational attainment have no relationship with political efficacy. This study shows that a college level of education have a relation to political efficacy. Hypothesis 3 is also rejected; that is, there is no relationship between income and political efficacy. This study reveals that the lowest income bracket P 10-999 have a high political efficacy, compared to the rest of the income brackets who indicate an average level of political efficacy. Hypothesis 4 also rejected; that is, there is no relationship between occupation and political efficacy. This study shows that formal and informal occupations have significant bearing on political efficacy. Meanwhile, hypothesis 5 is accepted; that is, there is no relationship between political efficacy and political participation. This study shows that women may feel highly politically efficacious towards the system; but this may not necessarily translate to high political participation or to a greater tendency to participate in politics. Women in Guimbal may have been affected by their political socialization or by the political events prior to the conduct of the study. Although they really have a high sense of political efficacy, the institution and the local norms limited their capacity to participate effectively in politics. Women have been taught to stay m their homes, to be good housewives, thus , limiting their role to the reproductive sphere. Political matters are not priorities for her, although these could directly or indirectly affect their lives, security, and well-being.